The choice in South Africa is now between the liberal opposition party, the DA's socialism (albeit with radical “land reform”) and the increasingly Marxist-Leninist line of Julius Malema and the ANC Youth League. In fact, during his famous TV interview with Debra Patta, Malema unabashedly stated: “I am a Marxist-Leninist.”
Lindiwe Mazibuko, the rising star in the DA who might even replace Athol Trollip as parliamentary leader, initiated something of a leftist bidding war with Malema when she recently spoke in parliament of the DA's “vision of a thriving rural economy in which the vile injustices of South Africa’s apartheid and colonial legacies are effectively and decisively redressed through a combination of sustained job-creating economic growth and a well-managed and resourced restitution programme”. Regarding land, she said that “the ANC government’s aims may be similar to those of the DA”.
We may therefore deduce that our two biggest political parties have already espoused socialism for the countryside, but are divided as to how the mines, the banks and industry should be dealt with.
Editor Peter Bruce made the following haunting remark in the South African version of the Financial Times or Wall Street Journal, the Business Day of 20 June in his weekly column: “If I were in business I’d be pouring money into the left.” But is that not what business, the universities, the churches, particularly the Church of England, and the government of Sweden have been doing for decades now, “pouring money into the South African left”? It has brought us to the brink of a Zimbabwean-style Armageddon, and still we cling to Mao's Little Red Book for people in pin-striped suits!
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Trevor Huddleston, the long-time president of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, abused his powerful position within the Anglican Church to provide funds and media exposure to the group of radical South African exiles belonging to the ANC and the South African Communist Party. He was also instrumental, together with Swedish journalist Per Wästberg, in persuading the Swedish government to sponsor and fund terrorist attacks on South African civilians from the 1970s until the 1990s.
The story, or the tragic history, of how a conservative, disciplined and religious society like that of South Africa was transformed into an aspiring Cuba must still be written. And talking of the Caribbean workers' paradise, South Africa's liberal opposition leader Helen Zille certainly nailed her colours to the mast when she laid a wreath at Freedom Park in Pretoria for the cigar-smoking internationalist freedom fighters who died in the Angolan war while disdaining our young sons who fell for what used to be known as the “free world” or the West.
Any vestiges of conservative thinking in South Africa have been extirpated long ago. We have espoused gay marriages, as well as human rights and free, state-sponsored lawyers for murderers and rapists – but not for their victims. Against a politically powerless and victimised minority of whites – only 9% of the total population - the South African state is applying the world's most radical affirmative-action programme to “protect” the rights of the majority with a monopoly on political power and privilege. That some hard-working or talented whites may still own assets is seen as a form of insolence that could only invite violent retribution from the restless mass of youths constantly incited to anti-white racial hatred by the ANC Youth League, not only under Malema, but also under his predecessor, the infamous Peter Mokaba. Nationalisation in this context is seen not only as an economic panacea, begetting socialist utopia, but also as a means of creating racial harmony or “reconciliation” between blacks and whites. However absurd such logic might appear to outsiders, this is what South Africans in politics, the media and even business have come to believe.
Thus, we are slouching towards socialist or even communist revolution. The notion that the state has the right to intervene in all spheres of society, to the detriment of individual freedom, has become an unquestionable dogma. Property rights have already been trampled underfoot by various acts of parliament. The South African state now decides who may own land, whom we may employ in our businesses, what we may say to one another or not say, as well as how a man may court a woman. Rape by black men is so prevalent in South Africa that it is almost the norm, but especially a white man may not call a woman attractive for fear of being sued for sexual harassment under a plethora of politically correct laws, inspired by the ethos and legislation of liberal America. Even family businesses are subject to racial quotas under the government's affirmative-action regulations. Calling a member of the governing elite, who are universally seen as venal and corrupt, a “profligate Bantu” could land one in hot water for so-called hate speech, not to mention real hate speech from the media hyenas who gloss over the daily body count in the streets, but who mercilessly heap calumny on anyone questioning the right of South African blacks to plunder our national patrimony.
The leftist obsession with social and racial equality has taken hold of South Africa and will devour her like it devoured Eastern Europe, the China of the cultural revolution, Cambodia and others. I pity our poor farmers who are going to be the first victims of the current rise in revolutionary fervour. They are already being killed in farm murders that are tantamount to ethnic cleansing or even genocide; now they stand to lose their farms, many of which have been in their families for generations. But the revolution will not stop in rural hamlets like Louis Trichardt or Bothaville.
While the Afrikaans universities in this country used to be conservative and in favour of tradition, Afrikaans culture, free enterprise and private property, the English universities like Wits, Cape Town, Rhodes and Natal, have been preaching the neo-Marxist gospel to at least three generations of South African journalists, academics, lawyers and politicians. These are the people who are now firmly in control.
So our rendez-vous with collective farming and nationalisation is unavoidable.
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